This last week, the Dragon House Chinese Takeaway in York was defaced with racist graffiti. Crude St George’s flags were painted across the shopfront, the word “Chinese” was scratched out, “Cat N Dog” was sprayed onto the window, and on the side of the building, vandals scrawled the words “Go Home.”
On a street lined with shops, only the Chinese takeaway was targeted, which in itself is telling of the motivations for this attack. Moreover, it speaks to a longer history of racism faced by the Chinese in Britain, from their arrival in the 19th century, the discriminatory acts of Parliament in the first half of the 20th century, xenophobic cartoons in the Sun newspaper in the 90’s, through to the surge in anti-Asian hate during the Covid-19 pandemic, and now this latest act of hostility.
Yet, from the post-war era onwards, Chinese restaurants and takeaways have established themselves within the very fabric of British high streets, moving from the margins to the mainstream. This love of Chinese food in Britain is demonstrated by a report by Market Intelligence, which indicated that by 2001, Chinese cuisine was Britain’s favourite food, with 65% of households owning a wok.
In addition, the contribution of Chinese migrants to Britain extends far beyond food. A 2006 Home Affairs Committee report estimated that up to 90% of Chinese migrants had previously worked in the catering industry. However, by 2022, those identifying as Chinese or British Chinese reported a median hourly pay of £17.73, the second-highest among any ethnic group, just behind White Irish.
This shift from a community engaged in low-paid catering jobs to becoming the most successful migrant group originating outside of the British Isles is mirrored in educational performance. By the 1990s, many second-generation Chinese migrants were leaving catering for higher education and professional careers. The 2011 UK Census revealed that 87% of young Chinese people aged 16–24 were in full-time education, the highest proportion among all ethnic groups in Britain.
Despite these markers of success and integration, the Chinese in Britain are far too often perceived as outsiders. This contradiction was painfully exposed during the COVID-19 pandemic, when racist hashtags targeting Chinese people rose by 300% and restaurants faced boycotts, abuse, and vandalism.
Today, the rhetoric of Britain’s right-wing not only risks heightening prejudice towards migrants but is undoubtedly fuelling this prejudice to increasing extremes. For example, the political party Reform UK has pledged to forcibly remove up to 600,000 migrants, while even the Labour Prime Minister, Sir Keir Starmer, has described Britain as an “Island of Strangers.”
Such language — often aimed towards the media fodder that is irregular migration and small boat crossings — emboldens racists, granting them confidence and a sense of legitimacy to target migrant communities. Whether the migrant group has already contributed significantly to British life, or has the potential to contribute is of no consequence to the proprietors of prejudice.
In the case of the Chinese in Britain, this contribution is evident through economic success, education, and notably our national palate. All of which is overlooked by those who attacked the Dragon House in York.
In contradiction to long-standing migrant endeavours, Reform UK argues that multiculturalism has failed, claiming it breeds “separate communities” and insisting migrants must immediately assimilate into British society. However, I argue assimilation is not instantaneous and is, for most migrants, impossible to achieve over a single generation.
Assimilation is preceded by integration, a process that requires time, opportunity, and mutual buy-in from both the host and migrant communities.
Language, religion, and physical differences are among the barriers to integration that migrants face. These cannot be erased overnight or even over several generations. These differences demand patience, respect, and recognition from both migrants and the host society. Integration, as Leo Lucassen argues, is not a one-way process. Migrants change through contact with the host society, but the receiving society also changes, often slowly and imperceptibly to most observers.
Seen in this light, assimilation should not be framed as a short-term political ultimatum or as a populist demand to whip up the eager right-wing on social media platform X, which increasingly spills over into damaging real-world consequences. Instead, integration and assimilation should be understood as part of a long-term social process that has shaped Britain throughout her history.
From the Romans, Normans, and Irish in the 19th century to today’s migration, whether regular or not, Britain has always been shaped by waves of migration. As seen through the example of the Chinese in Britain, migrants have enriched and added colour to society. If not met with tolerance, curiosity, and acceptance, the slow and often imperceptible integration process will undoubtedly be extended.
That message, however, is unlikely to come from the government or even the press. Which is why the responsibility falls to society’s tolerant majority. By doing so, we can be resistant to the seeming importation of American culture wars and, in the process, define ‘patriotism’ as caring for all who call Britain home, whether they were born here or arrived later. Those who believe in love, inclusion, and community must be louder than the hate-filled minority who currently dominate the conversation.
When one Chinese takeaway in York is attacked, it is not just one family’s business under attack; it is the very idea of what Britain is, and what it can be.
Bill’s History Blog 
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